Jim Saleam’s race hate relics fail yet again

It must be hard to chalk up around 40 years of political failure but Dr Jim Saleam’s Australia First (not to be confused with an ADL splinter sect of the same name which seems to consist of one member with a florid set of brain cells) has under a variety of names managed to crown its long litany of flops  with their latest contribution to race hate in Sydney.


The Aboriginal Tent Embassy recently posted this status on Facebook


It didn’t take long to track down the source of this latest bout of racism. We won’t link to Jimmy’s toxic site, we don’t want to encourage them, but a few samples should be enough.

And we have to laugh at any notion that Austraya Fail Party actually has suddenly changed its odorous white supremacist socks to support Indigenous people. In nutzi ranks, all non-white people are inferior.


The pictures


This picture has actually been stolen from the NCIE (National centre for Indigenous Excellence) site. The people shown in the picture would have had no idea that they were going to be used to promote race hatred.


Here is the other image


Taken from this site but without the attribution and acknowledgment from the original site. And it was photographed ten years ago.

 And this laugh-worthy ponderous statement from the Führer of Fail himself.

Australia First Party would work with or support as we can any Aboriginal group that defended its own people against this type of injustice.

Amazing how the far right always get it so wrong

And the so-called “Asian” property grab is a myth

So if you want to find the real foreign property grabbers, just head across the Pacific to the rich guys, hedge funds and other players from the US.

The ups and downs of an anonymous, anti-fascist life

Reblogged from Overland


Anonymity is a funny thing. ‘The one barrier me and my buddies have regarding beating the shit out of you is your anonymity,’ an anonymous critic once informed me.

I declined to provide the angry Aryan with my personal details, but his message, and many more like it, reinforced the idea that giving the general public – and hence neo-Nazis – my name and address would probably not be a good move.

‘What’s your name?’ is a very common question, the answer providing a potential wealth of information. The relationship between a name and a person is something I’ve had reason to seriously contemplate over the last few months, especially as it relates to my monitoring the activities of the far right. Happily, the Internet makes it possible for a person to assume any number of names and to affix to them a variety of personalities.

Malcolm Harris writes that a ‘fundamental anonymity means names stand not for individuals, but for contingent singularities, subjects that are not who but what they say’. For some, this can be a liberating experience: anonymity provides a shield, from behind which they can express ideas their position otherwise precludes them from doing, or doing in relative safety. In my experience, anonymity has its downside too: maintaining it is time-consuming, I’m unable to claim credit for a large amount of the work that I do and I’m often unable to take advantage of opportunities to do other, equally interesting kinds of work.

Several years ago, there was some public discussion regarding blogging and anonymity, occasioned by the public exposure of several local bloggers. In one 2008 case, several Victorian Liberal Party staffers lost their jobs after it was discovered they’d been attacking their party’s then leader, ‘Red’ Ted Baillieu, on an anonymous blog. In 2010, The Australian (editor’s note: it was James Massola) took it upon itself to out the political blogger Grog’s Gamut as Greg Jericho, a public servant. Although these unmaskings were decidedly unwelcome, the staffers who lost their jobs have gone on to bigger and better things, as has Jericho. This year, on behalf of the Australian Writers Centre, he judged The Koori Woman as the best commentary blog of 2014. He continues to write for The Guardian and the ABC’s Drum. His research on blogs and social media was eventually published as a book, The Rise of the Fifth Estate, ‘the first book to examine the emergence of social media as a new force in the coverage of Australian politics’.

Some have argued that online anonymity is like a cancer on the body politic. In 2009, Clive Hamilton wrote that an ‘ugly culture of dogmatic and belligerent interventions now dominates social and political debate on the Internet’. In Australia, The Anti-Bogan regularly documents aspects of this culture and publicly names and shames those engaged in racist, sexist and homophobic abuse online. The Melbourne-based Online Hate Prevention Institute has declared that it aims to ‘be a world leader in combating online hate’ and ‘change online culture so hate in all its forms becomes as socially unacceptable online as it is “in real life”’.

Perhaps the most telling argument for the importance of anonymity is the act of whistle-blowing – consequently, hacktivists are always seeking to stay one step ahead of authorities. One of the latest such ventures is Media Direct, ‘a secure communications platform facilitating direct and anonymous contact with leading journalists’. Launched in May, Media Direct represents a further evolution in whistle-blowing technology, according to its Australian coordinator, Luke McMahon. ‘We’ve produced a self-contained system,’ he says. ‘Media Direct brings together technical and non-technical tools to realise the most appropriate approach to the contemporary media environment. Media Direct, unlike Wikileaks, is not a publisher, but rather allows whistleblowers to safely convey information to select journalists directly.’ In this context, anonymity exists at the opposite end of the spectrum to celebrity.

The ability to convey information safely is obviously key to whistle-blowing, but in the context of anti-fascist organising, both collecting and conveying information to the public present certain difficulties. Daryle Lamont Jenkins, of the US-based antifascist organisation One Peoples Project, acknowledges that ‘as with anything there are pros and cons to being anonymous, but a big issue is that within antifa circles most of us are’. This is justifiable, ‘understandable and oftimes when it comes to gathering info, necessary. Problem is, with so many of us taking that route, it makes us that much more inaccessible and detached. That’s a problem. Antifa need to be more public.’

For activists, the chief obstacle is that being public can mean serious harassment. The Australia First Party, for instance, has recently published a series of increasingly bizarre claims regarding my blogging activities, both on its website and on leading White supremacist website Stormfront. Party leader Dr James Saleam is a veteran fascist with a long string of criminal convictions, most notably organising a shotgun assault on the Sydney home of African National Congress representative Eddie Funde in 1989. Stormfront itself is ‘the web’s most famous and ubiquitous white supremacist and neo-Nazi website’ – and has numerous Australian members.

While post-Second World War Australia has largely been spared fascist violence, elsewhere in the world the story is very different. Last week in Las Vegas, a former neo-Nazi skinhead named Melissa Hack pleaded guilty to conspiring with others to murder two anti-racist skinheads, Dan Shersty and Lin Newborn, in 1998.

As documented in such films as Antifascist Attitude (2008), numerous antifascists have been murdered by neo-Nazis in post-Soviet Russia. Indeed, one of the stars of the film, human rights lawyer Stanislav Markelov, was murdered in Moscow in January 2009, alongside journalist Anastasia Baburova. Another documentary, about the life of murdered antifascist Ivan Khutorskoy, has just been released; there was also a European tour by two Russian antifascist bands to raise funds for his family that finished just last month.

The journalist who outed Greg Jericho argued that ‘if you are influencing the public debate … it is the public’s right to know who you are’, and that there may be tactical advantages to going public. But given the rise of Golden Dawn in Greece, Jobbik in Hungary and the election of the NPD’s Udo Voigt to the European parliament (Voigt was denied a visa to Australia in 2003 to address a fascist gathering on the grounds of his poor character), the consequences of engaging in antifascist activity in much of Europe will likely escalate. How antifascists negotiate these opposing concerns will determine, in part, their success in combating the rising fascist tide.


Far right targets Muslims with hate campaign

Supporters of ultra nationalist party Golden Dawn hold party flag and Greek flag . Photo / AP

By Greg Ansley
1:25 PM Saturday Apr 26, 2014

Australia’s violent far right has begun to stir again, targeting Muslims in a campaign that has erupted into conflict with Islamic radicals involving at least one shooting, death threats and intimidation.

The worst of the anti-Muslim drive is led by the Australian Defence League, joining a small but widening base embracing the Australia First Party, a registered political party that contests local, state and federal elections, white supremacists, neo-Nazis and skinheads.

A newly formed Australian branch of Greece’s fascist Golden Dawn has been supported by Australia First. Golden Dawn has a history of violence, uses Nazi symbolism and regards Adolf Hitler as a “great personality”.

Australia’s far right has drawn heavily on foreign mentors. The ADL grew from Britain’s violently anti-Muslim English Defence League, with others linked to an international network of fascists and white supremacists.

The domestic spy agency, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation, said in its most recent report to federal Parliament that local groups were using protests to provoke violence, leading to “heightened tensions between anti-Islam groups and Islamist extremists”.

Asio and police are now investigating rising tensions between the ADL and Muslim groups after an internet and social media hate campaign, death threats and intimidation including public abuse of Muslims.

ADL members in Sydney have photographed Muslim women in city streets and on public transport, posting the images and accompanying abusive comments on the internet. This has been supported by anti-Islamic harangues and pamphlets in shopping malls.

Islamic schools have also been targeted. Anti-terror agencies were alarmed by a video of Malek Fahd school in the western Sydney suburb of Greenacre, posted on Facebook and YouTube. The video claimed Malek Fahd, Australia’s largest Islamic school, was a centre for terrorism and should be destroyed.

The defence force has also investigated reports that the ADL has recruited within the military. The navy said none of its sailors were ADL members, but that several had been dismissed for inappropriate use of social media.

Footage of navy ships has been used in videos made by heavy metal band Eureka Brigade formed by ADL member Shermon Burgess, whose lyrics proclaimed the riot between white Australians and Lebanese youths at Cronulla in 2005 “Australia’s Muslim holocaust”.

Eureka Brigade’s inflammatory songs Border Patrol (supporting operations against asylum seekers) and ADL Killing Machine are posted on the internet.

Police investigations are continuing. Former ADL western Sydney president Nathan Abela has been charged with offences including using a carriage service to menace, harass or offend.

Muslim radicals are striking back. They are believed responsible for firing eight gunshots into Abela’s home. The previous day a Muslim calling himself Abu Bakr posted a YouTube video warning Abela he was a “clear target” and that if he did not accept Islam he “will die by the sword”.

The ADL is among the latest of a long line of far right Australian extremists that reached a high in the 1930s with the New Guard, a militia of anti-communists and imperialists with a reputed peak membership of 50,000.

Since then there have been intermittent far right risings, reaching a new peak in the 1980s with violence led by the neo-Nazi National Resistance and Australian National Alliance. Others have included the League of Rights and militias such as the Aussie Scouts, based in far western New South Wales.

Most have been small and flared only briefly, often disintegrating through internal warfare. Asio noted: “There has been a persistent but small subculture of racist and nationalist extremists in Australia, forming groups, fragmenting, re-forming and often fighting among themselves.”

Numbers remain tiny, with nationwide estimates running into the low hundreds. The ADL won a large Facebook following, but is believed to have as few as 30 paid members.

Neo-Nazi, white supremacists and “Aussie pride” organisations also include Southern Cross Hammerskins, Blood & Honour, Volksfront and Combat 18, most derived from and linked to US, British and European groups. America’s notorious Ku Klux Klan also has a small Australian following.

ADL regards Islam and Sharia law as a threat to Australian democracy, advocating a global stand against a religious, political and social ideology seeking to “dominate all non-believers and impose a harsh legal system that rejects democratic accountability and human rights”.

Australia First says Australia is a client state. “The unfolding population/food crisis coupled with new world order wars launches refugee hordes at Australia’s borders, whilst the traitor class sponsors a mass immigration recolonisation of Australia for the purposes of economic enmeshment with the global economy,” its website says.

– NZ Herald

Equal Love Unequal Hate

Dr Jim Saleam, (yes he has a rool Ph.D from the University of Sydney no less) the ageing Führer of a tiny bunch of middle-aged mentally challenged Reich re-enactors known as the Australia First Party, does not emerge from obscurity very often to comment on the doings of the far left. However, for some reason some news from far away West Australia caught his eye and his ire.


So what was so momentous about the death of a little-known member of one of the two tiny Marxist-Leninist parties left after the old Communist movement virtually disappeared in Australia?

Why was the old despot aroused enough to be invoking the names of three of his hated ideological foes in one bilious paragraph?

Well, it was obviously the words “transgender woman“.

We were also amused to discover that Dr Jimmy  assumes that his Russian foes, despite their great ideological shortcomings, are red-blooded heterosexual men – like the image of himself  which he likes to convey –  who would mutter darkly into their vodkas at any hint that their revolutionary movement could contain such followers.



Here is Amber’s own story as told to the Socialist Alternative zine Red Flag.




So what’s more “beneath contempt” Jimmy – a bunch of elderly nutzis whose whole life is all about hate or a young person who while she was alive seemed to be all about love?

2013 Australian federal election. How did the far right fare?

Reblogged from slackbastard

Posted on September 12, 2013 by @ndy

The Mad Monk is Australia’s NEW! Prime Minister.


Five days after polling closed, here’s the results obtained by the far right.

Australia First Party

AF stood 10 candidates for the Lower House (8 in NSW and one each in SA and VIC) and gambled on a seat in the Senate in NSW and QLD. The party’s main claim to fame during the campaign was being placed ahead of the Greens in NSW by the Wikileaks Party on its Senate ticket. This decision by WLP drew no small degree of criticism, the party claiming it was the result of an “administrative error” while others claiming it was the product of a backroom preference deal. In the end, AF (Garth Fraser and Darrell Wallbridge) received 2,819 votes (0.09%) in NSW, while Wikileaks fared considerably better with 26,437 (0.8%). As for AF in QLD, teenage former Stalinist, neo-Nazi and Labor party candidate Peter Watson joined Peter Schuback in sharing 4,583 votes (0.25%).

Despite having previously declared that he was going to snatch the seat of Cook from former opposition spokesperson on Immigration, Scott Morrison, Party fuehrer Dr Jim Saleam managed to acquire just 521 votes or 0.66%, coming last among the seven candidates. In (“Get the ‘Face of Chinese Imperialism’ out of”) Bennelong, Victor Waterson scored 374 votes (0.51%), the last of eight. Of the nine worthies in Calare, Peter Schultze done a bit better, gaining 885 votes, smashing through the 1% barrier (1.06%) and avoiding coming last, a fate reserved for the Democratic Labour Party (DLP) candidate.

In Chifley, veteran bizarr0 Alex Norwick saw AF’s vote decline from 1.17% to 0.46% (336 votes). This decline may well be blamed on teh gheys; the DLP got its revenge by beating Norwick into last place. The decline in the AF vote was repeated in Lindsay, where Mick Saunders’s 508 votes (0.66%) represented a reduction of 0.51%; Mick’s vote did at least ensure that the most unpopular of the eight candidates on offer was Geoff Brown of the Stable Population Party. In Macquarie, Matt Saunders managed to increase the AF vote by 0.02%, gaining 626 votes (0.79%), thereby pushing Teresa Elaro (DLP) into last place on a mere 413 (0.52%).

Things were a bit brighter for AF in Newcastle, candidate Michael Chehoff being placed first on the ballot and getting 707 votes (0.98%) for his troubles. In doing so Michael beat both the Socialist Alliance candidate (514/0.71%) and that of the Australian Independents (217/0.37%). The last Australia First candidate in NSW was Lorraine Sharp in Riverina. She got the best result for the party with 1,127 votes (1.43%) and placed eighth out of ten candidates for the seat.

Outside of its NSW heartland, AF ran just two further Lower House candidates, in Port Adelaide (SA) and Deakin (VIC). In Port Adelaide, last-placed Terry Cooksley earned 857 votes (1.12%) while in Deakin a bewigged John Carbonari failed to set the seat on fire with a measly 156 votes (0.22%), a reduction from the dizzying heights achieved last time around of 0.28%.

Australian Protectionist Party

The APP ‘Love Australia’, but how much does Australia love the APP? In the race in Queensland for a seat in the Senate, Rick Heyward, “a very proud Australian, who is passionate about protecting his country”, received 687 votes (0.04%) and the dubious merit of being the most unpopular of all party candidates. Oh, and Doug Boag too.

In the seat of Fremantle (WA), Teresa Van Lieshout had 147 (0.22%) people vote for her, the APP at least proving to be more popular than the LaRouche kvltists of the Citizens Electoral Council (96/0.14%). Things were a bit better for the APP in Swan, where Troy Ellis, “a Who Weekly finalist for their Most Beautiful Person Award” in 1999, rode a donkey on to gaining 522 votes (0.82%), and came third last.

Oh and in Corangamite (VIC), ex-One Nation candidate Nick (Man of) Steel got 115 votes (0.15%), unloving Australians ensuring the Protectionist came twelth of 12.


In the Victorian seat of Flinders, two Independents, Denis McCormack and Paul Madigan, threw their hats into the ring. Denis scored 360 (0.46%) and Paul 529 (0.68) votes. Both were previously involved in the group ‘Australians Against Further Immigration’, including as candidates, while Denis also helped found AF. You can read some of Paul’s views in the comments on a previous post here. The dynamic duo want to REDUCE IMMIGRATION .

One Nation

The other minor far right (?) party to contest the election was (Pauline Hanson’s) One Nation. It ran 11 candidates in the Lower House in NSW and four in Queensland, along with Senate candidates in NSW, QLD, SA, VIC and WA. Its best result was obtained by Pauline, Kate McCulloch and Aaron Plumb in the NSW Senate race. Generally, in the Lower House candidates placed just above the other fringe parties, typically Australia First, the Christian Democrats (Fred Nile’s mob), Katter’s Australian Party and the poor old CEC. Its worst result came in the Victorian Senate contest, where the Townsends only just managed to beat the Australian Republicans for last place with 190 votes to 143. It would seem that Clive Palmer’s United Australia Party soaked up most of the vote for anti-Establishment candidates with the remains being fought over by a wide range of parties left, (but mostly) right and generally obscure.

In the NSW Senate, Pauline Hanson, Kate McCulloch and Aaron Plumb got 39,375 votes (1.15%), an increase on 2010 of 0.59%. In the House of Representatives, ON hopefuls scored as follows:

Barton | Perry Theo | 591 | 0.81%. Placed 7 of 8, he beat Rodney Tim Wyse of Katter’s Australian Party into last place (518 votes/0.71%).
Charlton | Brian Burston | 2,033 | 2.60%. Burston was placed 6 of 7 candidates, honours for last going to Trevor Anthoney of Bullet Train For Australia fame (1,263 votes/1.61%).
Chifley | Elizabeth Power | 1,200 | 1.60%. Of the 9 hopefuls, Power came seventh, notably beating Alex Norwick of AF (0.46%) by quite a large margin.
Hume | Lynette Styles | 2,160 | 2.71%. Styles was middlin’, coming fifth of nine.
Hunter | Bill Fox | 2,996 | 3.72%. This was a gain for ON of 0.37%, Bill beating both the Christian Democrats & CEC candidates.
Lindsay | Jeffrey Lawson | 1,521 | 1.97%. Placed 6 of 8, ON again triumphed over AF in the form of Mick Saunders (507/0.66%).
Lyne | Craig Huth | 1,964 | 2.53%. Mid-placed Huth (6 of 9) beat the CDP, KAP & CEC candidates (in that order).
New England | Brian Dettmann | 1,362 | 1.67%. In New England the ON vote increased by 0.80% on last time, Brian (7 of 9) beating the CDP & CEC.
Page | Rod Smith | 1,167 | 1.55%. Poor old Rod came last (6 of 6).
Parramatta | Tania Rollinson | 709 | 0.98%. As did Tania (8 of 8).
Werriwa | Marella Harris | 1,340 | 1.92%. Marella (7 of 8) beat the KAP kandidate into last place.

In Queensland, the ON Senate vote (Jim Savage and Ian Nelson) experienced a mild decline, the pair receiving 9,745 votes (0.52%), down 0.39%. In the Lower House, results were fairly poor. Stewart Boyd in Fadden came last (8 of 8), gaining 394 votes (0.58%, down 1.02%); Mike Holt in Fairfax was no match for Clive Palmer, coming last and getting just 600 votes (0.80%); in Herbert, Stephen Moir received a similar vote of confidence (623/0.81%), placing 7 of 10 and finally; in Moncrieff Veronica Beric just managed to beat the CEC bizarr0, obtaining 437 votes (0.65%) for her troubles.

In South Australia, Peter Fitzpatrick and Kym Dunbar got 2,265 votes (0.27%) about half (-0.24%) the number ON got last time around. In Victoria, Dale Townsend and Rosalyn Townsend received 190 votes (0.01%), a decline of 0.37%. The Australian Republicans, on the other hand, received 143 votes. In Western Australia, lone candidate Robert Farmer fared marginally better with 250 (0.03%).


Smashing the fash: fascism in Australia


A student writes

Added by Anon on August 30, 2013.
Saved under Features

My formative years were spent in Mascot Public School, a typical underfunded school. It was a school that didn’t aspire to much: its motto was in plain English and hoped for the least worst of its students (“strive to achieve”); the school gates were adorned with a picture of the official mascot, a jet plane, chosen for the school’s proximity to the airport.

And, much like any underfunded school in an underfunded town in Sydney, it was a school that confronted me with ethnic diversity and tension, not unexpected in a suburb where 70% of people were born overseas, or had parents who were born overseas.

I thought of my childhood, as I’d dully gaze through the side fence of the school, waiting for a bus, of how it helped me grow and whatnot. But one morning, the school sign caught my attention instead. Someone had stickered over it with obscene messages, demanding that multiculturalism be abolished, that ‘international students’ – at a primary school – be sent back, and that students should not heed the anti-Australian lies of their teachers, designed to police the thoughts of the young. At the bottom of each sticker lay proudly: Australia First Party.

We’re told to never forget, because there is a danger in allowing the past to repeat itself. Fascism wasn’t an anomaly of world history, but is rooted in something visceral within society. It has an economic and political vision that strives to protect the legitimate members of society from the ebbs and flows of global finance and immigration; it seeks to create hope in the less fortunate by blaming society’s ills on the least fortunate. It thrives on crisis and decline, and mobilises movements by encouraging the masses to rise up against decay and attain power for the rightful heirs of the state, usually white ‘natives’.

The fringe

The leader of Australia First is Jim Saleam, who is currently running in the electorate of Cook against Scott Morrison. He was a founder of National Action in the 1980s, a far-right nationalist group that plastered racist graffiti on shop walls, intimidated multicultural groups, and produced propaganda against the ‘New World Order’; he was also convicted of his role in a shotgun attack on a member of the ANC, Nelson Mandela’s party,  and conspiring to car bomb a political opponent.

“Hi, is this, uh, Jim – James – Sa-le-am?” I stumbled over my words; embarrassingly mispronouncing a name he greeted me on the phone with (it’s “Say-lem”). It’s difficult to find the right words when the phone is picked up by one of Australia’s most notorious far-right leaders, but I manage. He speaks with a thick Australian accent, and sports a vocabulary one would expect from a PhD. His thesis, The Other Radicalism: An Inquiry Into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right Ideology, Politics And Organization 1975-1995, was supposedly written from a jail cell.

Jim Saleam refers to the aforementioned incidents as an “apocryphal history” that has now, unfortunately, become a part of the movement he is now at the forefront of. This was a concerted attack by the media, according to Saleam, with claims of Lebanese ancestry in the Sydney Morning Herald to discredit and “ethnically cleanse” him. He also claims that he was “targeted by the state” and bullied by the Special Branch of the NSW Police Force, a “notorious organisation” known for monitoring left-wing activist groups. Now disbanded for its endemic corruption, Saleam admits that the Special Branch used far-right groups to assault left-wing groups.

“Morrison is all for refugees”, he says when I ask about the election struggle in the Sutherland Shire. And Saleam? “Absolutely none.” Saleam and Australia First propose deporting refugees back to their countries of origin, assisting them with grants funded by the seizure of assets from those who aid and abet asylum seeking. Saleam denies the label of fascism, and instead identifies with “Australian nationalism.” He uses this label to defend the party’s support of an Aboriginal sovereignty as a ‘legitimate culture’ of the continent that manifests in separatism, as “they can think whatever they want of European settlement … but what’s coming is the end of Indigenous society.”

But Australia First is not the only far-right nationalist party – Pauline Hanson’s One Nation, Rise Up Australia (RUA), and the Australian Protectionist Party (APP), parties recently infamous for their deals with minor libertarian and centrist groups in this election, promote similar views. But combating immigration and multiculturalism is only the most visceral policy tying the parties together; they also agree on the nationalisation of industry, banning foreign ownership, and expanding welfare to vulnerable Australian citizens – conditional on the expulsion of undesirables.

(Israel is a point of contention – Jim Saleam and Australia First considers Zionism as a danger to Australian society through its role in the media and corporations, while the APP and RUA self-identify as Zionists who see Israel as an ally against Islam.)

Appealing to the working class is a notable function of far-right nationalist and fascist mobilising, in contrast to the libertarian right that tends to have disdain for those in poverty. This isn’t anomalous, despite their right-wing tendencies: Franco developed a national trade syndicalist organisation, and Hitler saw the role of the state in mediating class conflict, a concept absent in classical liberalism and capitalism.

Far-right groups use this populist agenda in recruiting members who do not identify with the strict nationalism of the party line. I spoke to Troy Ellis, a candidate for APP in the Western Australian electorate of Swan. Ellis was a former member of the Greens and the ALP, and a participant in Amnesty International, Greenpeace, and the Australian Conservation Fund. Confused, I asked him why he joined the APP. “They sounded like a fairer party,” noted Ellis. It was their taxation policy that drew him into the party, and he identified with the economic arguments of lowering immigration.

But he was unsure about the more extreme elements of the party. “I’m not such a hardliner on immigration myself … there might be some in APP, but I’m less of a radical myself.” The anti-Muslim stance of the party, a recent phenomenon in the far right, especially amongst RUA and One Nation, is also a topic of contention with Ellis. “The party takes a hard stance on Muslims, but I don’t mind Muslims myself.” He also spoke of his strong belief in justice for Palestinians. Ellis seemed uncomfortable with this dissonance with the party line. “But a lot of people who come here from Muslim countries are psychologically damaged.” He buttressed his sincerity in wishing to “soften the party.” Compare to co-founder Nicholas Folkes, who recently left the party and began the (more) anti-Islam Party for Freedom and believes that multiculturalism is a “failed policy” that has brought “chaos to Australia.”

Similarly, the One Nation website explicitly denounces multiculturalism and multiracialism, but has members that are unaware or uncomfortable with this policy. When asked about the political line to abolish multiracialism, Rod Evans, the national contact for One Nation, replied: “I was not aware of that … I do not adhere to that policy myself.” But, along with the rest of his party, Evans believes that Australia’s primary problem is with “the radical Muslim culture”, an issue to be resolved through a policy of “deportation.”

The far right have capitalised on the issue of Islam to build an agenda of fascist and nationalist politics. Unlike 20th century fascism, the focus of the individual is located within a civilisation as opposed to a state. While the Nazi Party promoted the Aryan Germanic race, APP, One Nation and likeminded parties speak of the threats to Western civilisation. Perhaps an intellectual response to The Clash of Civilisations thesis, or a strategic impulse to work with non-Anglo European ethnic groups against the new enemy, the far right analysis of global politics is one of conflict between Islam and the West.

Just like enemy combatants setting up camp beyond no man’s land, Melanie Vassilou believes Muslims have created “ethnic enclaves in Auburn” that “make you feel like you’re in Saudi Arabia.” She sees the face veil as a risk to society, noting “paedophiles are taking advantage of the face veil.” Running for RUA in Chisholm, Victoria, she rejects the racist label: “when you speak out on the issues, you can be perceived as racist.” She notes that their leader is Sri Lankan, and, perhaps justifying her position, Jim Saleam denounces Rise Up Australia as a multiracial party.

The mainstream

But the germination of fascism lies not only in the fringe of politics, but has roots in the centre. A passing comment by Saleam on his past struck me: “our roots were in the Australian Labor Party.” The White Australia Policy attracted the monoculturalists of nationalism movement, but beyond this, the protectionist economics and belief in industrial nationalisation appeal to some of their left-wing tendencies. National Action, after all, classified themselves as National Bolsheviks, and Australia First’s Queensland Senate candidate, Peter Watson, was a former member of the ALP and Stalinist League; Jack Lang is revered by many fascist groups in Australia; and the Victorian Socialist Party, a faction of the ALP early in the 20th century, developed a fascist tendency that dissolved into the Australia First Party.

Fascist elements also reside in the periphery of the Liberal Party in the hard right, or ‘Taliban Right’ or ‘Uglies’, faction. The roots of far right nationalism in the Liberals, that often comes into contention with the classical liberal and libertarian tendencies of the party began when the Nationalist Party merged with the United Australia Party, that soon after became the Liberal Party; likewise, the Young Nationals merged into the Young Liberals.

More uncomfortable for the party is Lyenko Urbanchich. He fled from Slovenia to Australia, having been a Nazi collaborator during the Second World War. When in Australia, he founded the Liberal Ethnic Council, using recent refugees and immigrants from the Soviet Bloc to intervene in the Liberal Party. Urbanchich was an outspoken critic of the threat of “Jewish-communism.”

The hard right is, according to some accounts, the largest faction of the NSW Liberal Party; it is the spiritual homeland of Tony Abbott; and it is the philosophical foundation of the Sydney University Conservative Club, a member of which once admitted to sympathies with fascist philosophy, in particular the belief that the poor and the rich have their ordained, natural positions in society.

The streets

Although many of the early nationalists in Australia have turned to political careers, the tendency in Europe has moved towards the opposite. Golden Dawn, for instance, organises on the street through demonstrates more than it does through parliamentary processes. The British National Party (BNP) has lost appeal in England, and the English Defence League (EDL) has grown to a threatening size. It was the EDL, after all, that Anders Breivik communicated with prior to his massacre of young social democrats in vengeance against Islamic immigration.

Unlike the BNP, which sports a comprehensive conservative agenda, the EDL is particularly opposed to Islamic immigration. Note, for instance, that the EDL has a Sikh division, as well as an LGBT division. However, organisational liberalism does not hide the fascist tendencies of the movement, but instead is a tactical endeavour to build it; Italian fascism, after all, supported expanding democracy, including the universal suffrage of women, and artistic movements such as Futurism. Progressivism in some areas veils an overall reactionary agenda.

Like the EDL, the Australian Defence League (ADL) focuses specifically on Islam. But the ADL is a grassroots movement, utilising street demonstrations and mass mobilisation to affect change. My first encounter with the ADL was on a Facebook event, when a member threatened to murder me. Although most of its demonstrations are unsuccessful, it is a growing movement, one that encourages current discourses of disintegrating borders. Searching through the closed ADL Facebook group, users complain about “muzzies”, promote gun culture against Islamic immigration, and refer to Muslims and left-wingers as “scum”.

These groups are not the main organising tools of the movement, but do provide insight into the models through which ultra-nationalism and Islamophobia develop. The ADL may ultimately not be successful, but it is a glimpse into the future of reactionary activism – on the streets, in community groups, in churches and unions, at dinner parties. Skinheads and Nazis such as the Nationalist Alternative and Southern Cross Hammerskins likewise react on the streets. The old methods of the Left have been appropriated into a movement that is reacting against the supposed failure of the political class to protect Australians.

The response

Fascism is a word prolific in dusty archives but hushed in current affairs. It is a word that is historical, that is used to define the past, but one that can never happen again. We’ve moved on: fascism is passé, thrown into the dustbin of history where it pathetically lies.

But Australia is at risk of forgetting the dangers of fascism. From experience, the term ‘fascism’ is met with mockery – it is a term people define as an extreme, and Australia is seen as a country of moderation. Popular opinion divorces fascism from an intellectual history, from its philosophy, from its economic and political strategies, and from its realness.

Although there are groups and individuals that oppose fascism in Australia, they fail to make an impression in public opinion. Anarchist blogger slackbastard follows the trends of fascism in Australia, but is a lone writer. Fight Dem Back was prolific in combating racial hatred in Australia, but is effectively defunct now. Compare this to the United Kingdom, where the National Union of Students holds a policy of ‘No Platform’, where office-bearers refuse to share a stage with members of fascist organisations; or where the Conservative, Labor, and Liberal Democrats collectively oppose the BNP, citing the legacy of Churchill who was a member of all three parties; or where the organisation Unite Against Fascism regularly demonstrates against fascist groups; as do squads of anti-fascist socialists and anarchists who clash with fascists in English communities.

One could argue that the rise of fascism is not likely in Australia. But the policies – or the trajectory of policies – of many of the groups mentioned in the article, say otherwise. While not every individual in One Nation or the Australian Protectionist Party may espouse negative attitudes towards migrants or non-white Australians, there is an organisational pressure to strengthen the state, to mobilising workers against immigrants, and to isolate Australia by solidifying its borders – and military. Authoritarianism, nationalism, and, ultimately, fascism are not ghosts of the past, but real existing tendencies in Australian politics.




(edited by MMU)

Election special No 1 – Ratbags of Riverina

Welcome to The Antibogan’s first election special.

We hope to regularly feature some of the more bizarre election candidates who will be surfacing between now and September 7.

Naturally they will either be standing as candidates for extremist micro-parties or as independents. However we do know of some who have made their way into mainstream parties.  Just check our tag cloud.

First on the ratbag rollercoaster is the Federal Division of Riverina in south-west NSW on the banks of the Murray.

Electors of Riverina are faced with no less than four fringe candidates out of a total of seven. There must be something in the water down there.

1. Lex Stewart (Palmer United Party)


We first featured serial party person Lex Stewart here

Obviously Clive Palmer is not aware of his candidate’s colourful past, or if he is he does not care.

Lex lives in the otherwise nice little Snowy Mountains town of Adaminaby (above the waterline we trust) and has a Facebook page here where he is still espousing protectionism and strangely enough supporting a Family First page as well as some Clive candidates – so it’s back to the 50s with Lex, family style.

Despite all those wholesome Mad Men-era family values we doubt if Nationals incumbent Michael McCormack, sitting on a margin of 18.2%, has much to worry about from Party Boy.

2. Lorraine Sharp (Australia First Party)


Holding up the somewhat saggy neo-Nazi end in the bush is Lorraine Sharp. She has a policy declaration on the Australia First website (which we don’t wish to link to) where she invites people to take revenge upon the political class (students of Political Science at CSU Wagga campus be warned!) then goes on with the usual League of Rights – derived rant about globalisation, locking the dollar up etc etc – more nostalgia for a lost world that wasn’t all that good in the first place.

She doesn’t much like Chinese people though.

To quote her:

I see the Chinese trade centre in Wagga Wagga as the spider in the middle of the web of overseas takeover of our land and an agency of a pure and simple imperialism.

Nor does she much like Wagga City Council

Shades of the Yellow Peril!

Though we are glad to see that Lorraine at least has the decency to keep her shirt on and to not display any dodgy swastika tatts, unlike most of the male AFP fans. That might get a couple of votes. Her and hubby perhaps.

3. Paul Funnell (Democratic Labor Party)


On the surface this guy seems very mild-mannered. Almost normal in a conservative sort of way. According to the DLP website

Paul was born and raised in West Wyalong, educated by the Christian Brothers and has experience owning and managing small businesses

However a look at the policies of the DLP reveal that not much has changed since the days of Bob Santamaria and Brian Harradine. No joy for supporters of marriage equality, not much for women, ambiguous policies towards refugees and asylum seekers and religious bodies are allowed to discriminate in employment and service provision.

Only difference is the bogeymen under the beds have changed hue from red to green. Though according to the DLP their lives all began at conception.

And Paul is keen to have a mass “great debate”

4. Kim Heath (Rise Up Australia)


Here’s schoolteacher Kim ready to fight the good fight against the Muslamic hordes teeming into Riverina. Good luck with reconciling her teaching career with being the public face of a party of hate and bigotry.

This must be the worst campaign photo we have ever seen. Makes us wonder whether Mad Danny really wants her to get any votes.

In other news

Election 2013 – guide to the freak show

Dennis Jensen MP tells Indigenous woman to get over colonialism

And thanks to the source of the pictures

Election 2013 – guide to the freak show

From slackbastard:

Another year, another election, and once again patriots and upright-citizens-with-lower-cognitive-abilities will be appealed to by the far right, while the far left pitch their message to that dreary tribe of high-minded women and sandal-wearers and bearded fruit-juice drinkers who come flocking towards the smell of ‘progress’ like bluebottles to a dead cat.

Or something like that.


For the far right — a mixed bag including Dr James Saleam‘s Australia First Party, a handful of Protectionists, the Freedom-loving, Muslim-hating Nick Folkes, assorted miscellaneous individuals (including some number among the more mainstream Christian parties) and Others — the entry of zillionaire Clive’s ‘Palmer United Party’ and the emergence of the anti-Muslim, anti-multiculturalism Rise Up Australia will sap some energies, as will The Mad Katter in Queensland and Pauline in NSW. And of course, a commitment to Stopping the Boats & Imprisoning their Occupants unites Australia, its voters and its political parties in a way few other issues do (though there are obviously nuances in major and minor party approaches to the question).

But aside, perhaps, from One Nation, which might be more accurately described as right-wing populist, the chief player on the far right is AF. (Late last year Andrew Zammit produced ‘A tentative table on far-right radicalism’ which is especially relevant to this discussion.) AF is standing Alex Norwick in Chifley, Jim Saleam in Cook, John Carbonari in Deakin, Mick Saunders in Lindsay, Tony Pettitt in Macquarie, Michael Chehoff in Newcastle, Terry Cooksley in Port Adelaide, Lorraine Sharp in Riverina and Senate tickets in NSW and Queensland.

Finally, on a related note, the Australian Defence League — now in its third or fourth incarnation on the Internets, the self-appointed leader in this case being some bloke called Ralph Cerminara — appears to be working in close collaboration with the Wilders-inspired micro-Party for Freedom. Both parties are driven by a pathological hatred of Muslims and regularly refer to them as ‘animals’ and ‘scum’.

Ho hum.


From a senior source

And from our own senior source in the Division of Riverina comes this story on one such candidate, a serial party person by the name of Lex (Alex) Stewart.

Australia has a legacy of immigration as the primary building block of the nation, from the first arrival of convicts in chains and under punishment to the evolution of the White Australia Policy, the subsequent relaxing of that policy and the according of equal rights in the Citizens Electoral Act to all in Australia, regardless of background.

In 1788 the issue of boat people first raised its head for the original 400,000 Aboriginals and then again in 1975 with arrivals from Vietnam and China landing after long dangerous journeys to seek safe haven. Although criticised by the UN and other bodies for detaining casual arrivals, we can be proud of our acceptance of people from all walks of life, of giving them safety and of allowing ourselves to be enriched by cultures other than our own.

Griffith in particular has an amazing history of post WW1 and WW2 migration from Italy as well as China, with the mixture being added to in modern times by many other people of a variety of origins, a good thing that makes Griffith and the district prosper.

So why am I writing today? Simple, elections are upon us and we vote to exercise our power to replace governments, to install governments and to even ensure candidates who are unpalatable do not ever get near the halls of power. That last is the most powerful tool inherent in our vote, to keep the unwanted, intolerant and distasteful candidates away from our lives. We assign power to the people we want based on many factors, one of which is policy, the other personality.

The Riverina District has an opportunity to exercise that power this coming election by making sure a candidate from Clive Palmer’s populist creation, the Palmer United Party (PUP), never sets foot in parliament on our behalf.

This particular PUP candidate is like a rat jumping from ship to ship. From the Christian Democrats, he then crossed swords with the racist Australia First Party. When he was with the Citizens Electoral Party he was a Sydney candidate and a major disruption to the voters’ focus. Winds of change sent him lurching to the One Nation fiasco where as its NSW treasurer he was fully on-board with Hanson’s policies regarding immigration.

At the same time he was involved with the One Nation group, he aligned himself with the Great Australians Party, its founder John Cummings (owner of McCaffertys Coaches) said of the candidate, that he was “mentally disturbed” and “wrecked the pseudo party” at great personal and financial cost to Mr Cummings and his group in general.

The candidate has also been a Liberal organiser in West Sydney, so you begin to get a feel for his fair weather friend attitude and blatant desire to gain influence and power at any cost and with anyone who will give him a vehicle to spread his wings.

His right and far right credentials are well known. He is poison not only to his party of choice but to the electorate he purports to want to represent. I imagine with horror the reaction of our immigrant population here if they knew any of this, and I believe they do not. He has zero financial credibility and is a worry to any right thinking person if he ever had a position that allowed him access to public money. He is racist and bigoted, with a healthy dose of xenophobia thrown in for good measure.

He will speak not only with a forked tongue but will knife a person in the back if it would advance his personal agenda one iota. I implore you to join me in giving this fraud no votes whatsoever. The people of Griffith and surrounds need to know just who this person who is infiltrating events and gatherings to speak oily words of corruption into receptive ears. And the minute the many families here from overseas and with overseas parents etc. found out his true colours he would rightly become a burden to Palmer and hopefully lose the election as well as not being re-endorsed for anything political.

Riverina folk of all backgrounds have an opportunity to make sure an opportunist does not speak for them on a national stage about anything, let alone foreign or immigration policy. Our wonderful and vibrant community was built on the backs of the very people he has in the past vilified and singled out with policies and views that discriminated and marginalised these people who live among us. Use the power of your vote and keep the Riverina for the  people of the Riverina, regardless of where they originated.


More sauce

David Oldfield: born again Liberal?

“Too right wing” doesn’t seem to worry the highest ranks of the NSW Liberal Party at the moment. Less than a fortnight ago, Brogden defended the right of a former One Nation secretary, Lex Stewart, to join the Liberal Party’s Kellyglen branch in north-west Sydney.

“Everybody’s entitled to join the Liberal Party so long as they subscribe to our broad range of views,” Brogden was quoted as saying in the Sydney Morning Herald. “Not every former One Nation voter or every former One Nation member is a ridiculous extremist.”

However, the Australian Jewish News has said that Stewart was a senior One Nation official who addressed the Sydney Forum in 2003, an event organised by the extreme right wing Adelaide Institute, run by Holocaust denier Frederic Toben, who has served prison time in Germany for his views.


He [Stewart] was integral in the establishment of the Great Australians party, and was its National Leader in 2002. Just like the Citizens Electoral Council, GA calls for tax reform and economic isolationism. But just like the CEC, the party also believes in a global conspiracy involving international finance, global government and — of course — the Jews…

Lex Stewart helped establish an anti-Semitic political party, and gave a speech to a conference of racists and Holocaust-deniers,” Carr [former blogger and Labor staffer Robert Carr] concluded. “These are not matters that can be lightly brushed aside, and it is incumbent upon John Brogden to follow them up (there might be a perfectly innocent explanation) and decide whether such a person is welcome as a member of the NSW Liberal Party.”

More links
Stewart joins Palmer’s team in Riverina
‘I can unseat McCormack’

Race hate site on Facebook attracts 4500 ‘likes’


By staff writers
April 26, 2013 3:11PM

Facebook race hate page against Africans gets 4500 “likes” Picture: Facebook

A FACEBOOK site which vilifies the African community in a western Sydney suburb has been liked by more than 4500 people.

Called “Had a dream I was in Africa, woke up, still in Blacktown” the page features racist comments about Sudanese and Indigenous people.

It has been used to advertise a meeting of the far right wing Australia First Party, to “end the refugee invasion of Australia”.

The page’s main picture shows Blacktown Railway Station, where a number of the local Sudanese population are on staff, with the caption: “all the black people live in Blacktown, hence the name. Lots of lols provided”.

The page appears to have inspired spin-off sites, including a site entitled “Had a dream, i had sheet on my head, woke up still a Muslim”.

Posts include “the africans are everywhere you look” and claims about Sudanese people being unemployed.

NSW Community Relations Commission CEO, Stepan Kerkyasharian, said he was aware of the page, but “unfortunately I can do nothing about it”.

“The difficulty with internet issues of race discrimination is jurisdiction,” he said.

“It depends on whose server the material is sitting on, and Facebook does not recognise the jurisdiction of the Anti-Discrimination Board.

“Unless there has been a criminal act that would bring in the police, we are unable to stop this form of race attack.”

The Reverend Michael Robinson, whose Blacktown Anglican Church has a significant Sudanese membership and a Sudanese co-pastor, said he counselled members of his congregation when they came under attack.

“I say to them there are people in Australia who do not like foreigners and you stand out because of your skin colour,” the Rev Robinson said.

“I tell them to stand tall and proud, because they are Australians too.”

The Rev Robinson said the Sudanese families at his church had come from a country rife with conflict and civil war and had settled well into Australia, where they had found work and a place in the community.

“They’ve all got jobs, in fact many have two jobs and they manage to fit in together despite the fact they come from different backgrounds.

“We have twelve different Sudanese tribes represented in our congregation and they manage to work together harmoniously.

“It’s a shame some Australians can’t manage to do the same.”